(Because of the nature of this story and the ethnic makeup of the individuals involved, two interpreters were used. One spoke Arabic and Turkish, the other spoke Turkish and English. When “This Week In Louisiana Agriculture” (TWILA) reporter Julie Baxter asked a question it was addressed to Dogan Koc, our PhD English and Turkish interpreter who lives in Houston and was with us the entire trip as guide and interpreter. The question went from Koc to the Turkish – Arabic interpreter, who wanted neither his name used nor his picture taken. He then addressed Baxter’s question to the Arab refugee. The answer came back in the reverse sequence where it was recorded. Of the two refugees interviewed, the “very important” refugee wanted neither his name used nor his picture taken. The second refugee, a teacher and father of four, allowed his name, photograph and a full recounting of his circumstances used. Unless massive changes occur in Syria, where retribution is not an issue, he never plans to return.
Given the layers and circumstances involved, we believe this to be as faithful and true a rendering of the answers to the questions as possible.)
While the world dithers, Syrian civilians are trapped like animals in a cage in their own country.
The Syrians can see across the arid and rolling mountainous countryside into neighboring Turkey where their friends and relatives escaped in the early days of the purge, but they can no longer get there. And they wonder why no one from the outside world cares.
The border has been locked down tight, part of the Syrian government’s six-month, reign-of-terror strategy to break the people’s will to resist.
Syrian despot Bashar al Assad uses his security forces to hunt down whole villages. Rapes, killings and worse are the order of the day, according to interviews with two refugees and an interpreter who escaped with their families in the early days of the Arab Spring. Although separated by the border, information is still getting through.
To eliminate perceived threats from his own people, Bashar al Assad came by his penchant for using unbridled barbarity honestly, the unnamed, “very important,” refugee said with emphasis. He noted that Bashar’s father, Hafez al Assad, killed 40,000 Syrians in 1982. Nothing was ever done to hold the father accountable.
The interviews conducted by members of the Louisiana Farm Bureau’s media team sketch only the surface outlines of desperate families on the run in their own country. The families who dared speak out are being flushed out of their homes in hamlets and villages all across northern Syria by snipers and gunship helicopters. They have fled into the mountains or sought shelter with others in towns and villages elsewhere, often far from their ancestral homes.
Infighting has broken out among some members of Army units sent in to control the civilians, forcing Assad to send his security forces into the region.
Security forces are the hired guns of a despot. Neither army nor police, they are on the personal payroll of the tyrant-in-chief. They don’t wear uniforms; usually serve as his personal bodyguard and do his bidding, regardless. Hussein in Iraq, Mubarak in Egypt, Gaddafi in Libya and in the not too distant past, Milosevic in Serbia; they all had them. The common denominator, once and if the tyrant falls, when the case for genocide makes it to the International Court of Justice in the Hague, is that “security forces” turn out to be nothing more than hired thugs and killers.
Empty your prisons of its worst sociopaths and you’ve got the basic building blocks for a security force.
The Farm Bureau group spent the night before the interviews in the Ottoman Palace, one of the most opulent hotels on the planet, a stone’s throw from Syria. This generated a contrast in place and circumstance it was hard to escape after the events about to unfold on that day. The morning was a beautiful day in Hatay, Turkey, the main city on a peninsula of land, some 30 miles wide, jutting like a thumb straight south, bordered by Syria on the east and the Aegean Sea on the west. It was a full-sun day on a dusty, breezy but cool side street in Hatay.
The anticipation was electric among the 11 of us jammed with luggage into the 13-passenger van. Equipment had been readied, checked and rechecked a half-dozen times. The Arabic-Turkish interpreter and the “very important” refugee approached down the sidewalk past the ubiquitous string of small shops and got into the van. There are now 13 of us packed in like sardines in a can. The interior lights are turned on. The curtains are drawn shut.
Exactly how this interview was going to be recorded was never clearly defined. It strictly hinged on what the interviewee would allow.
It didn’t look good at the start. No pictures, no video, not even a back of the head shot while Julie Baxter asked the questions. (Baxter is a Baton Rouge attorney and former TV anchor/reporter for 10 years for CBS’s Channel 9 in Baton Rouge. Good reporter; knows her business.)
A collective, if silent, gut-tightening sweeps through the van. This is TV. With no photos, no video – you’ve got no story. Although I’m sitting within a foot at the side of the to-remain-unnamed refugee taking notes for the written story, note taking is not the issue and is never mentioned. For the refugee this is about photos identifying him. For the TV folks this is about visuals for their package of stories of an historic happening. The negotiations start.
“This Week in Louisiana Agriculture’s” TV producer, Avery Davidson, launches into an explanation of framing the shot through the dual-interpreter system. It’ll be framed just down the side of the back of the refugee’s head with Baxter’s face filling up most of the frame, Davidson says. You can’t tell anything about who is who with that type of shot, he adds.
And we’ll have a backup camera running, too.
Absolutely not on both counts: the refugee was holding firm; no video of any sort. The negotiations, polite but concerned in the beginning, now become a little more intense. I have no idea what was said in the ensuing minutes. It wasn’t loud but it was firm. After the back and forth, the bottom line was: one video camera framed entirely on Baxter’s face from the back of the “very important” refugee, but nothing showing any part of his body. And no backup camera. This was going to be a one-shot deal: get it with one camera, one take, or regret it the rest of you professional career. Davidson was ready.
The interview began. It covered the outside world, the U.N., other countries aiding and abetting
Assad, Assad’s claim that the protesters are “terrorists,” conditions in the camp, Assad’s scorched earth policy and the killings.
The “very important” refugee is not telling what is really going on in terms of the torture. We don’t know 10 percent of what’s going on, he says several times. It’s unclear if he’s talking about knowledge as portrayed in the popular media or our personal knowledge. You couldn’t handle it, he says. “It’s inhumane and you wouldn’t want to listen to it.”
(The “very important” moniker is attached to our unnamed refugee by our “fixer,” another individual who has to remain unidentified. The fixer is Turkish. He is the individual who has the local clout, did all the leg work, made all the phone calls, and put all the pieces in place to make these interviews happen.)
The unnamed Arab to Turkish interpreter says the reason the refugee is refusing to tell us about precise incidents is because it’s a cultural thing. They don’t want to be seen as weak or begging, he says.
We protest, again through the two-interpreter system; we tell him we can handle it. We push back. Tell us some examples. After some minutes in this vein, he tells several stories.
This is the worst of the worst in my mind: During one of the early protests in the town square of Ahmed, two protesting men were captured by Assad’s men, tied to the rear of two separate cars and drug through the streets of the town and back to the protest area. The skin had been stripped from their backs and backsides. You could see the bones in their backs sticking out, but they were alive. Assad’s men found the families of the two men and made them “urinate” on their “sons or brothers.” Then the security forces killed them all.
He also adds that they are “raping our women, they are killing our children, they are insulting our elders.” Again, to be clear about this, that’s what came out through the interpreters.
The second interview, with two cameras full face, no restrictions, was with Ebul Luey, a teacher, 45, four children, ages 2, 5, 12, and 14.
He and his family are living in one of four refugee camps set up by the Turkish government. There are 1200 people in 260 tents in his camp. The Turkish Red Crescent (Red Cross) is cooking 1700 meals twice a day at one of the government assistance kitchens the TWILA group visited. There are other kitchens furnishing food as well.
“When they came in June with 7000 soldiers and 300 tanks, I heard the border to Turkey was open, so I fled with my family,” Luey said. They also laid waste to anything the people needed to subsist. They killed all the livestock and burned or otherwise destroyed the crops.
Luey’s torture stories: (1) A well-known teacher in his town was flayed (skinned) alive. (2) A boy of 13 who was engaged in a protest was caught. Assad’s forces cut off his penis and partially skinned him. He lived for 27 days before he died.
Our unnamed Arab to Turkish interpreter tells the story of a young couple who had fled to Turkey, chose to return and crossed back over. Assad’s security forces drove up in two cars and shot them both dead. The woman was pregnant.
Although if may be antithetical to their culture to beg, they both wonder why “no one in the outside world cares.” Others are “not conscious,” they are “not interested. We are just ordinary people. If no one will help us, what can we do,” the first refugee said in several different ways. “They are killing 50, 60,100 of our people every day.”
Luey added 300 died in a population of 80 million in Egypt during the spring’s uprising there. Three thousand Syrians have died in six months and 20,000 injured so far in a country of 23 million. Why are no Arab countries coming to help us, he asked?
The Turkish people have been terrific, he said. The food is good and the Turkish Red Crescent keeps all the families together in the tent cities. Fifty percent of the residents of Hatay, a city of 200,000, where the tent cities are located, made some kind of contribution to the relief effort, a Red Crescent official said.
The first refugee noted that Assad may have been forced to drop his reliance on his Army and send in his security forces. During the initial fighting, the police and much of the Army were from many of the towns and villages under assault. In fighting broke out between those with local ties and the outsiders.
Both said that Assad’s forces were using snipers on the ground and helicopters from the air to kill civilians. During the first protest at the post office in his hometown in June, snipers opened up, killing scores of people, the first refugee said.
In biting, bitter sarcasm, according to the interpreter, he said, “I want to thank the Syrian government for killing our people. And I want to thank Russia for selling Syria the guns to kill our people.”
Both had harsh words for, in addition to Russia, the governments of Brazil, South Africa, China and India which they said were also furnishing weapons and other aid to the Syrian government.
Notably, neither man ever uttered a word about the U.S.’s involvement or lack of involvement in the Syrian uprising.
The snipers, he said, are not from Syria, rather they are from Iran. Or the snipers are members of Hezbollah, the Lebanese terrorist group supported by Syria, with the aid and encouragement of Iran.
They also both made the point that Assad portrays the protesters as terrorists. Not true, they say. They contend they are simple villagers in the main, looking to break the despotic grip of a tyrant.